Lukman Adewale QUADRI

Department of Political Science/ACSUS-UP

University of Pretoria

[email protected]

France double-standard an avenue for Moscow syndrome

The ECOWAS bellies four civilisations: the autochthonous, Arab, Portuguese, English, and French. This is why ECOWAS is divided along religious and linguistic lines. However, this has no bearing on regional integration as the region scored the highest in the free movement of people, evident in the introduction of the CEDAR and ECOWAS passport. However, the Francophone axis of contemporary West Africa has presented itself as a threat to Western liberal democracy as successive waves of military takeover greeted the countries. This is an undesirable emergence attributable to the seminal presence of bad governance, which has slowed down the pace of development, impoverished the population, triggered horizontal inequality, inequitable distribution of income, ethnoreligious consciousness, gender-based violence, electoral malpractice, bureaucratic corruption, elitism, poverty amidst plenty, insecurity, colonial fault lines, and a sharp division along ethnic lines.

Despite the abovementioned presence, France remains tethered to its colonies and concerns itself with exploiting resources. The outcome is corruption and underdevelopment of these countries. Based on this premise, the usurper's militaristic approach to governance can be considered a form of revolution born out of frustration and aggression to restore the country's dignity for the good of its people. This is where the Moscow Syndrome gains avenue and validation, as Russia backed a host of military usurpers. This can be regarded as a strategic decision by Putin, as the country is gunning for allies across the globe in the wake of its invasion of Ukraine.

In as much as the Moscow syndrome represents a threat to the End of History in West Africa, France's double standard gave an avenue to Russia in its erstwhile colonies by clandestinely partnering with periodic elected democratic kings to exploit their commonwealth. In as much as Russia offers the usurpers an alternative to the West, France’s conduct in Francophone West Africa represents an evident threat to liberal democracy.

The dilemma that confronts Nigeria and ECOWAS

Nigeria as the regional leader of ECOWAS, is confronted with the task to intervene in Niger militarily or jettison as it did in the case of Chad, Mali, and Burkina Faso, and relying on economic and diplomatic sanctions as an instrument of international politics. Nigeria and ECOWAS's dilemma is that economic and diplomatic sanctions will have no effect, as was the case with Zimbabwe. The corollary of the economic and diplomatic sanctions is that they could infect other liberal democratic nations if the influence of such precedence is not curtailed with military intervention. Already, Nigeria is embattled with economic and political instability coupled with multiple shades of insecurity. It can be argued that the contagion effect “Moscow syndrome” of military usurpation from Mali, Chad, and Burkina Faso infected Niger, and now Gabon, by implication.

On the other hand, Nigeria, as a regional hegemon and a representative of the liberal axis, is confronted with the task of returning democracy to its proximate neighbour under the siege of a famous military hijack. It is incumbent on Nigeria as a regional leader to return normalcy to Niger. Diplomacy might yield a positive result of all available options compared to military intervention. A diplomatic approach coupled with economic threats can soften the junta and, consequently, nudge the country into normalcy. Nigeria and ECOWAS should seek to counter all kinds of coup d’état, whether a corrective, caretaking, or usurping type of military takeover. Knowledge of the kind of military coup will help the country and regional bloc identify the right approach to restore democracy to the countries where military takeover unfolded.

An approach premised on militaristic intervention could snowball into a quasi-war as it was during the Cold War, where the two dominant Cold War gladiators confronted each other indirectly by using their allies as an instrument of ideological confrontation. This is a risk that the resource-rich and insecurity-blighted region cannot afford to take, as they are already confronted with food, energy, and humanitarian emergencies. The military usurpation in Francophone West African nations differs from most of that transpired during the Cold War, as they mirror the corrective coup d’état that saw the emergence of famous Thomas Sankar and Jerry Rawlins. It is a popularly backed military takeover.

In postcolonial Africa, there is a need to advocate for good governance irrespective of any costume it wears, preferably a liberal system of government. Even in its fractured state, it upholds periodic elections, “universal suffrage”, and seed division of power.

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